Incompetence or Friendly Fire? The Harfuch Aircraft Incident and Sheinbaum’s Lawsuit Against Ovidio Guzmán’s Lawyer
In less than two weeks, President Claudia Sheinbaum’s administration has stumbled into two high-profile political blunders that cast serious doubt on its narrative of professionalism and control.
By Ghaleb Krame | July 17, 2025
In less than two weeks, President Claudia Sheinbaum’s administration has stumbled into two high-profile political blunders that cast serious doubt on its narrative of professionalism and control. The first: a diplomatic rift with El Salvador triggered by an inaccurate, albeit not malicious, statement from Security Secretary Omar García Harfuch. The second: a defamation lawsuit against Ovidio Guzmán’s lawyer, Jeffrey Lichtman—reportedly orchestrated behind the scenes by Sheinbaum’s senior advisor, Jesús Ramírez Cuevas. What both episodes have in common is the shadow of political actors still aligned with former president Andrés Manuel López Obrador. The question looms large: was this incompetence, or political sabotage from within?
Case I: The Aircraft Incident — Institutional Sabotage or Structural Error?
On July 3, 2025, a small aircraft carrying 427 kilograms of cocaine was intercepted in Tecomán, Colima. Five days later, García Harfuch publicly stated that the plane had originated in El Salvador, triggering a swift and forceful response from President Nayib Bukele. The source of the misinformation was a preliminary report from Mexico’s National Airspace Surveillance Center (CENAVI), under the Defense Ministry (Sedena), which had not been validated by the National Intelligence Center (CNI)—a breach of standard protocol for sensitive geopolitical disclosures.
As outlined in Technical Appendix I, CENAVI misread flight coordinates, while the CNI failed to provide a secondary verification filter—its core responsibility for internationally sensitive intelligence (see points 2 and 3). The unchecked report made its way into a presidential press conference, exposing Harfuch and eroding the administration’s credibility.
Was this just a bureaucratic slip, or something more deliberate? While no evidence of malice has surfaced, the institutional pattern is troubling. Though General Ricardo Trevilla Trejo was appointed by Sheinbaum in September 2024, Sedena still operates under entrenched structures and informal power networks built during the López Obrador era. Former Defense Secretary Luis Cresencio Sandoval and ex-CNI Director Audomaro Martínez continue to wield behind-the-scenes influence through long-standing operational, doctrinal, and personal ties.
Sedena’s military structure fosters this continuity: a closed, hierarchical corporate culture where generations are forged under shared codes of loyalty and discipline. Former secretaries often remain in contact with their successors, not only because of generational proximity and years of joint service, but also due to internal alliances and interest groups that can resist—or reinterpret—civilian directives. In this ecosystem, institutional functionality does not necessarily mean institutional neutrality.
Within that framework, the aircraft incident could have been more than a technical mistake; it may have been an opportunity to undermine a civilian official like García Harfuch, who is unaffiliated with the military hierarchy and closely linked to Sheinbaum’s civilian governance project. The hypothesis of indirect sabotage—rooted not in overt conspiracy, but in misaligned loyalties and systemic dysfunction—gains traction amid the persistent lack of coordination between Sedena, SSPC, and CNI. For now, Sheinbaum does not have full operational control over this front of national security.
Case II: The Lichtman Lawsuit — A Miscalculated Move in a Polarized Narrative
On July 11, 2025, Ovidio Guzmán López—son of Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán—pleaded guilty to narcotrafficking charges in a federal court in Chicago. President Sheinbaum publicly criticized the U.S. government for failing to notify Mexico of the plea deal. In response, Ovidio’s lawyer, Jeffrey Lichtman, launched a direct media attack on Sheinbaum, accusing her of acting as the “PR arm” of the Sinaloa Cartel, specifically linking her to Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada.
Lichtman stated:
“What I would say to President Sheinbaum is that perhaps she should look at her predecessors in the presidency and try to figure out why that happened. Why there’s never any effort to stop it. I don’t even know if Zambada has been charged in Mexico, in any way, shape, or form. Instead of acting as the publicist, the public relations arm of Zambada’s narco-trafficking organization — which is what it looks like.”
On July 14, Sheinbaum announced plans to file a criminal defamation complaint in Mexican courts, denouncing Lichtman’s comments as disrespectful to the presidential office. The case is to be handled by Mexico’s Legal Counsel to the Federal Executive (CJEF). As of this writing, no formal proceedings have been reported, and Lichtman has doubled down on his remarks on social media.
From a legal standpoint, Technical Appendix II makes clear that the complaint is riddled with procedural flaws:
The comments were made from U.S. soil and are protected under the First Amendment.
Mexico lacks personal jurisdiction over Lichtman.
As a public figure, Sheinbaum would need to prove harm, actual malice, and falsehood—a steep legal hurdle (see Appendix II, point 2).
Beyond the legal flaws, the move appears politically motivated. According to the report, Jesús Ramírez Cuevas, Sheinbaum’s chief advisor and a communications architect of the 4T movement, was likely the strategist behind the decision. Known for his confrontational, narrative-driven style, Ramírez Cuevas seems to have pursued a path of “symbolic firmness” at the cost of strategic coherence (Appendix II, point 3). The result: Lichtman’s message was inadvertently amplified, gaining traction both online and internationally.
This controversy speaks to deeper tensions in U.S.–Mexico cooperation on drug enforcement and exposes the vulnerability of Sheinbaum’s presidency to actors still operating under the legacy playbook of her predecessor. Attempting to litigate a cross-border insult without legal standing may project not strength, but fragility.
Strategic Recommendations
Immediate removal of Jesús Ramírez Cuevas: His reactive, polarization-based strategy is misaligned with the needs of a government seeking credibility through legality and professionalism.
Empowerment of the CNI under Francisco Almazán Barocio: Mandatory dual validation (CENAVI + CNI) for all intelligence with potential international impact.
Reduce Sedena’s dominance and bolster Semar: Shift airspace intelligence leadership toward civilian and naval intelligence frameworks.
Establish an interagency communications committee: All sensitive public statements must undergo vetting across SSPC, Sedena, CNI, CJEF, and the Foreign Ministry.
Train senior officials in technical diplomacy: Avoid ambiguous language such as “originating from El Salvador” and abandon reactive strategies like foreign defamation lawsuits.
Final Assessment
Neither Harfuch lied nor Sheinbaum acted with bad faith. Yet both became collateral damage in a system still governed by institutional inertia and political habits of the past. Whether by omission or intention, friendly fire is real. If President Sheinbaum aims to govern with autonomy, she must realign her institutional chessboard—starting with those closest to her. If not, she may remain in the long shadow of her predecessor.
Note: Full Technical Appendices from Reporte Krame
For readers seeking deeper documentation, including operational details, legal frameworks, and institutional responsibility, Reporte Krame provides two technical appendices that underpin this analysis:
Appendix I – Diagnostic Report on the Harfuch Aircraft Incident and the Mexico–El Salvador Diplomatic Breakdown
➤ Details how a misinterpretation by CENAVI, compounded by a failure of validation by the CNI, led to an erroneous claim about the origin of a narco-plane, triggering an international dispute.
➤ Analyzes structural gaps in interagency communication, premature public disclosures, and absence of risk filters.
➤ Proposes corrective measures including dual-verification protocols, technical language reforms, and intelligence coordination with regional radar networks (e.g., APAN, JIATFS Key West).Appendix II – Legal and Strategic Assessment of the Claudia Sheinbaum v. Jeffrey Lichtman Controversy
➤ Evaluates the legal viability of pursuing a defamation case against a U.S.-based attorney under Mexican jurisdiction.
➤ Outlines the constitutional protections Lichtman enjoys under the First Amendment, and the impracticality of enforcing a Mexican court ruling abroad.
➤ Attributes the move to a politically driven media strategy, reportedly led by presidential advisor Jesús Ramírez Cuevas.
➤ Concludes that the lawsuit risks amplifying the original accusation and weakening the institutional authority of the presidency.
*Both appendices are available upon request or may be cited in full through Reporte Krame’s at Pie de Nota´s secured research archive under Luis Chaparro´s copyright.